Published by
The Ukrainian National Council

The Forgotten Nation of Eastern Europe

(THE RUTHENIAN QUESTION)

The present European war will decide the fate of many nations, which formerly had their own independence but which has been lost to them by reasons made famous in history.

The Ukrainians, sometimes called Ruthenians are one of these nations. At the present time the war between Austria-Hungary and Russia is raging on the Ukrainian territory. It is evident that in such a war an interested people must raise their voice. For that reason the Ukrainians who have immigrated to United States cannot remain neutral, but they must of necessity be watching with the utmost interest the various incidents of war between Austria-Hungary and Russia. In the meantime the Ukrainians of this country are holding meetings and lectures in order to discuss this political situation and to prepare themselves for every necessity.

We therefore deen it essential that we give to the American people who are practically the only large, powerful, neutral nation some facts pertaining to our Ukrainian nation and its people.

The Ruthenians, Ukrainians, or “Little Russians,” number at the present nearly 40,000,000 souls. They occupy the richest portion of the European continent. UKRAINE, RUTHENIA, or “LITTLE RUSSIA,” is a compact geographical unit, which comprises practically the whole of the famous Black Soil Zone; it abounds in coal, iron and oil, and is the granary of Europe. As seen from the map below, which shows clearly enough the advantages of its position and its relative size, the territory is included between the Carpathian Mountains in the west, and the River Don and the Caucasus Mountains in the east; between the northern tributaries of the Dnieper, and the Black and Azov Seas.

Politically speaking, Ukraine of to-day is divided between Russia and Austria-Hungary; it is, however, still united in race, sentiment and aspirations, just, as in the past, it was also united in the political sense of the word. The map shows the extent of the Russian and of the Austro-Hungarian “spheres,” and the frontier-line dividing them.

The Austro-Hungarian rule in Ruthenia-Ukraine, in its modern origin chiefly dates from 1795, or from the last partition of Poland. Of the same age is the Russian domintion over the contiguous lands comprised between the Austro-Russian boundary and the banks of the River Dnieper. The Kingdom of Poland, at the time of the partitions, included those lands as its portion. They fell under the Polish sway in consequence of the dismemberment of the Ruthenian Cossack Republic of the 17th-18th centuries, which was brought about by joint efforts of Russia and Poland. As to the eastern portion of the lands of that Republic, those that spread beyond the Dnieper, they were in uninterrupted connection with Russia (or, to use the proper terminology: Muscovy) from an earlier date, namely since 1654, or the year which saw the conclusion of an Alliance between Bohdan Chmelnicki, the Hetman of Ukraine, and Alexis Michaelowitz, the Czar of Muscovy. This Alliance marked one of the most momentous events in the career of that Republic set up in 1648 and finally broke up at the end of the 18th century, when the last remnant of it, the Zaporogian Sietch, was abolished by the Ukase of the Empress Catharine The Great. The Republic was borne out of a revolt of the Ruthenlans against the Kingdom of Poland and Lithuania, under whose sceptre they lived for some two and a half centuries previously to the event; it has been a case of re-assertion, on their part, of their national independence which they so fatally lost during the 14th century when their country was simultaneously harassed on all sides by the Tartars, Poles and Lithuanians. The period of national life between the 9th and the 14th centuries, is still looked back upon, across the dividing gulf of nearly six centuries, as the Golden Age. Ruthenia then was the largest, and, probably, the most civilized among the countries of Europe. Its relations with Spain, India, Persia, Egypt, Constantinople — in short with East, West, North and South, were numerous and important. Enemies feared the Ruthenian warrior, and the name of the country was famed throughout the world.

In language, they are related to other Slavonic peoples, just as Latin or Germanic peoples are related among themselves. The Ruthenian language stands in about the same relation to Russian and Polish, as Italian to French and Spanish, or German to Norwegian and Dutch.

In religion the Ruthenians are divided into four main classes: the Orthodox, who form the vast majority (about 34 millions); the Greek-Catholics, who used to be very numerous, but, having been subjected to much persecution, have dwindled down to 5,000,000; their stronghold is Galicia. The Protestants are to be found chiefly in the Russian part of the country, where, since the establishment of religious toleration, they are spreading almost unhindered. The Roman-Catholics are mostly found among the members of the old aristocracy.

In temperament, the Ruthenians are curiously representative of both the South and the North, and West and the East, combining stubborness and endurance with a vivid imagination and a love of the beautiful. They are possessors of a remarkably rich and varied folklore; their songs are famous; they still recently made formidable fighters; they are now achieving a splendid progress in the fields of industry and commerce.

The Ukrainians were often praised by foreigners for their excellent physique; they average 5-ft. 10 and 6-ft., and some of the picked regiments of Russia and Austria-Hungary are formed exclusively of Ruthenian recruits. Of late years, owing to unfavorable influences of the international market upon the Ruthenian economic life, extensive emigration of agricultural workers set in. A couple of millions of them have left the country and settled in Asiatic Russia, U.S.A., Canada, Brazil, and the Argentine. Hundreds of thousands go yearly to Germany as season laborers.

There are living in the United States about 1,000.000 Ukrainians and in Canada about half a million. They are mostly laborers (especially miners), farmers and retail businessmen.

In spite of this division between these two countries and notwithstanding the fact that these people have had for a long time no national freedom, they have raised with their own power and by almost superhuman deprivation their own literature, science, educational and economical institutions.

The part of Ukraine which at the time of division of the country was allotted to Austria, has enjoyed to some extent its national life and in spite of every hard and trying circumstances these people for the last 60 years were able to attain their proper place among the other nationalities of Austria. After developing their literature and science the Ukrainians daily discussed the erection of a university at Lemberg. This question had been almost realized when the war unexpectedly intervened and prevented its accomplishment. After the developement of their literature and science followed their developement of economies. All the towns and villages of Galicia have been covered by cooperative, commercial and agricultural associations, which had a centralized head or union at Lemberg, Galicia.

In late years the Ukrainians finding the necessity of education, established private high schools, professional schools and grammar schools, all of which have been supported by contributions by the people in Galicia as well as the Ukrainians in America.

The Ukrainians who lived in Russia, however, prospered but little. The Russian autocracy having since 1654 destroyed little by little their political independence, united them individually and politically with the Russian empire thus destroying all ambitions for a national independence. This union finally resulted from the blow dealt by Russia in 1876 when she issued an imperial Ukase (order of the Czar) by virtue of which THEY WERE THEN FORBIDDEN TO USE THEIR MOTHER TONGUE IN PUBLIC LIFE. They were not allowed to publish either books or newspapers in the Ukrainian language and this language was expelled from all public and private schools. This condition continued until the great Russian revolution in 1906 which gave some national liberty to the Ukrainians.

The development of Ukrainian people in Austria was a thorn in the sides of the Russian Nationalists, who under the guidance of Count Bobr’nski began a strong agitation in Russia looking to the institution of war with Austria, in order to seize Galicia and to destroy the sole centre of culture of the Ukrainians. This agitation, as we now see, has borne fruits and what these poor, oppressed, but enlightened people are now suffering at the hands of Russia on the territory seized by the Russians, are daily reported in the newspapers. It is really a tragedy of a people who had but scarcely begun to live intellectually and who are now being cut to the root because of their endeavor to accomplish that which God has given and intended to all mankind, “personal liberty” and “equality of mankind”; personal liberty to secure education so as to fit themselves to stand on an equality with mankind and earn the mean of supporting himself and his family properly and enjoying the fruits of this world equal with other enlightened nations.

The Conquest of Galicia

By George Raffalovich

From time to time I have endeavored to keep “The New Age” readers acquainted with the progress of the Ukrainian revival. My friends are now passing through a period of anguish and sorrow. It is on their own soil and over their homes and fields that Russian and Austrian armies have been fighting from the first. They stand to-day a chance of being reunited to their fellow-Ukrainians of Russia. Now, the Ukraine ever had enemies, Muscovy, Turkey, Poland, Lithuania and the German hordes. The cession of Galicia, Bukovina and the Hungarian Carpathians would rid them of the Polish and the Teutonic rule. Turks and Lithuanians have long ceased to trouble them. There remains but one enemy — Russia. From racial and international, the problem becomes a national one. It is no less acute to the Ukrainians themselves.

Immediately upon the declaration of war against Russia, the Ukrainians created an organization which should correspond to the new circumstances. They intended to act at the frontier and in the nearest neighborhood of the first battle-grounds. It was confidently expected that the Ukrainians on the other side of the frontier were making arrangements as well, in order to co-operate in the fight for the deliverance of the Ukrainian people from the Polish and Muscovite yoke. There lay the error. Nearly all the Ukrainian leaders of Russia were arrested on the first day; the rest were terrorised. The leading personalities of the Galician Ruthenians met at Lemberg. After short negotiations, they formed a common political organization of all Ruthenian parties, including even the Social-Democrats. The Central Ukrainian National Council stood as the embodiment of the Ukrainian aspirations and set itself the task of taking all necessary measures, and of making arrangements for the war against Russia. In its further consolidation this association of all the Ruthenian groups was to be extended, so far as to comprise all Ukrainians of all lands. The Central Ukrainian National Council placed itself in communication with the Ruthenian Rifle Association, which was formed eighteen months previously. It created with the help of these volunteers a general Ukrainian fighting body to which the Ruthenian Gymnastic-Body “Sitch” was joined. In a manifesto, all the Ukrainians able to bear arms were invited to enter the Rifle Association, and in every large Ruthenian community committees were formed in the short time available to gather the able-bodied men, prepare them for service and give them military equipment. At the same time they began with the collection of a war-fund to which from all circles of the Ukrainian population considerable sums were sent. According to the scanty reports which were received at first from the Russian Ukrainians, the Russian Government did its utmost to put down the movement and arrested nearly all the Ukrainian leaders, especially in the southern part of the Ukraine did the Russian gendarmes play unmerciful havoc.

The body of volunteer Strieltzi raised by the Ukrainians was brought to a large figure. Even the Jews (but the Zionist Jews only) decided officially through their Central Organization in Lemberg to help materially and morally that free corps. Upon request, the Vienna Government decided to give the Ukrainian volunteer units army officers of Ukrainian nationality for cadres.

So much for the Ruthenian Pan-Slavism; so much for their hatred of the Teuton. Demoralized by Russians and Poles alike, they could hardley be — at least in Galicia — expected to show anti-Austrian feelings, Austria is not Prussia. If conquered in square battle, and if their lot is improved mentally and economically by their new masters, then the Ruthenians will no doubt prefer the new regime. They could not, however, have been expected in June, 1914, to long for the date of their fellow Ukrainians of Russia.

A whole issue of “The New Age” would not suffice to correct the misstatements which have appeared in the English Press since the beginning of the war concerning Galicia and my unfortunate Ukrainian friends, many of whom are now being shot down or imprisoned by the Russian troops for no other reason than their respect for their oaths of loyalty to the Austian Emperor. What makes it so vivid to me is that I have just come back from Lemberg, after a three months’ visit to Eastern Galicia. That visit I did not pay alone, but with three Englishmen, reinforced on one or two occasions by three others. Their names and addresses are at the disposal of anyone who doubts my veracity or ability to diagnose. To-day we read of Ruthenians fraternizing with the Russian troops, of Hungarian troops being placed behind the Ruthenians soldiers to shoot them down if they refuse to march. We hear of the rejoicings of the population of Lemberg at the capture of their town. Who can have rejoiced therein but the Poles, of whom, after my visit to Galicia, I am ready to believe anything, and the political scum of the Ruthenians? Who would rejoice? The thousands of volunteers — all Slavs, mind you — whom I saw drilling in order that they could march into Russia to deliver their Ukrainian brothers from stifling oppression? The intellectuals of the nation, journalists who wrote every day what they thought of Russian rule, organizers of the peasants, the more progressive peasants themselves, and the nationalist professors. Would it be the most venerable and patriotic Archbishop of the Ruthenian Uniat Church? All the Ruthenians of Galicia are Uniats, but in Russian Ukraine that rite is suppressed, and its priests forbidden access to Russian territory. Would the dead rejoice in their graves? Hardly, when they may have to share the fate of Shevchenko, the great national poet of the Ukraine, whose tomb in Russia was this very year guarded by soldiers that the peasants should not approach it lest the remembrance of his life should lead them into “bad thoughts.”

Three months ago I witnessed in Lemberg the festivities of the centenary of Shevchenko. That was on June 28, when Ukrainians gathered from all Galicia, from Hungary, Bukovina, and many also from Russian Ukraine. There was in the morning a procession of some twenty-eight thousand peasants, men and women in full national costume. One of the songs they sang was “Ne Pora” — “No longer shall we have to serve the Poles and Muscovites!” Another twenty thousand peasants watched them and sang with them. Thousands of others remained in their villages, but had celebrations of their own. Sokhols, Sitch, Sokholines, Scouts, Cossacks on horseback in ancient costumes; intelligentzia, peasants and peasant girls in rich native dress, Hutzuls, bands galore — all classes participated.

It was impressive to see the faith in the eyes of those people and to hear the surprised exclamations of those Ukrainian spectators who are too often prone to disparage, or to despair of their country and the future of their nation. There was order, organization, brains, behind this unexpected, large gathering, which I am convinced had a large bearing upon Russia’s attitude before the war. It was time to act or lose her last chance of taking Galicia.

In the afternoon we were invited to witness the sports. The Stathalter, or viceroy of Galicia, himself a Pole, yet presided over the display of gymnastics and athletics. Suddenly a telegram was handed to him. He was seen to sigh and to speak to his neighbor, the leader of the Ukrainian Party in Parliament. For half an hour, already, curious whispers were heard on all sides. Slowly the Viceroy rose and disappeared in his motorcar. Then the news filtered through the assembly of some thirty thousand people.

The greatest tragedy that could happen to the Ukrainians had taken place. The Heir Apparent, Archduke Franz Ferdinand, had been foully murdered by the Serbians — a nation expert at the game, at the instigation of a certain unofficial Russian clique. He was almost the only friend the Ukrainians had around the Emperor. His noble dreams of a Triple Monarchy, Germans, Hungarians and Slavs, each holding their own, was stillborn. Well could the Russians say — as they wrote the next day — to their Ukrainian subjects: “Your Czar Is dead! Now ours is coming.”

By the express desire of the Stathalter the games went on, but the heart was not in them. Everyone felt oppressed by a dread which we are now helping to foster. The London Press may advocate the floating of the Russian flag in this country. Let the Union Jack wave martially side by side with it — to commemorate the final descent into the grave of a nation of forty million men.

The present war is perhaps a just war, it is certainly a necessary one. But must the Ukrainians pay for Prussian misdeeds? There is no lack of patriotism in proclaiming one’s opinion that we have not acted squarely by Austria before the war. Austria had a case and we could have held Russia back. Let her defend Belgium, by all means, although England was once described in Europe, and not without some basis of truth, as the champion, treaty-breaker. At all events, during the last two years we have most respectably sat upon, one treaty and two conventions with apparently no qualms of conscience. Right or wrong, England still! Moreover, I cannot admit that we are the worst offenders in that direction. Russia is the champion pledge-breaker. Pledges to Poland, to the Ukraine, to Finland — there are many still unredeemed on the Statute Book of the Empire. We are now fighting for the destruction of Prussian hegemony and it was time we did. But we must not believe that Russia if fighting for us, nor need we force ourselves into the belief that her Government has suddenly undergone a change for the better. It has not. Unless we guarantee the rights of all small nationalities, the promises of Russian Czars and Grand Dukes are not worth the price we must pay for the London rags that extol them. For the sake of the Russian peasant and of Russian civilization we must insist and persist. We must do it also because it is just what we should and because we owe it to our Canadian Ruthenians. The British Empire will never be the same again. A new era will follow the war when labor will be aristocratized, or else the scaffold will know the reason why. If we cease to lick the Muscovite boot and treat the Russians from to-day as men who are our allies, our friends, but who need to hear the truth now and then, we will also avoid the necessity for them to set up the guillotine.

(“New Age”, London, September 17. 1914)

The Menace of the Great Bear

Russia and the Ruthenians — A Phase of Pan-Slavism

By Alexander von Nuber,
Austro-Hungarian Consul General.

It is safe to assume that most of our readers are unaware that the Ruthenians, or Little Russians as the Russians christened them, or Ukrainians as they style themselves, are a people numbering 40 million. The Western World hardly suspected the existence of this nation, which ranks second among the Slav; the Ruthenians have been moved to a more prominent place in European politics lately, their future destiny being one of the main causes of the present war.

Of the 40 million of Ruthenians, more properly called Ukrainians, about four million live in Eastern Galicia and half a million in Upper Hungary, whereas, more than 35 million are at home in Southern Russia, in the fertile plains stretching from both banks of the Dnieper to the Don and the Black Sea. As far back as the tenth century Ukraine was a mighty country, and its capital, Kiev, then was the largest, wealthiest and the most advanced city in Eastern Europe. In those days Western Europe fully realized the Ukrainian rulers’ power, foreign rulers sought their friendship, Prince Volodymir Monomach was married to Harold’s, the Saxon King of England’s daughter, Gytha, and his daughter, Anne, became Queen of France. After the destruction of their flourishing country by the invading Tartars, the Ukrainians came under Lithuanian, the Polish and finally Russian domination.

Russia was quick to realize that, were the national civilization of such a large population occupying the most fertile parts of the empire allowed to subsist, this would ever be a source of danger for herself. It was, therefore, decided to de-nationalize the Ukrainians, and drastic, unscrupulous were the methods applied to this end. The very existence of the nation was denied, its language was summarily decreed to be the “Little Russian dialect” and was prohibited in schools and official life. Not content with this, official Russia prohibited the printing of Ukrainian texts, even of prayer books.

The total suppression of national existence which threatened the Ukrainians was happily averted when a fraction of them came under Austrian rule as a consequence of Poland’s partition. With the constitutional freedom granted by Austria the Ukrainians in that country were enabled to maintain and develop their national existence and culture. Ukrainian schools and colleges were founded, beside many national clubs or associations for upholding the people’s economic and ideal interests. Ukrainian was officially recognized as the country’s language, and acts were passed in the local county councils and parliament safeguarding Ukrainian rights. The people were inaugurating a national “renaissance,” their culture and literature were once more going ahead, the Austrian Government, well appreciating the situation, had agreed last year to the establishment of a Ukrainian University in Lemberg.

The national resurrection of the Ukrainians, though materially confined to Austria, had a moral affect far beyond the Russian borders. Comparing their lot with that of their happier fellow countrymen in Austria, the Ukrainians in Russia gave signs of unrest, and Russia had to realize that her yoke was unbearable to the people who looked to Galicia as to their “Piemont.”

The Ukrainian aspirations were not passed unnoticed by the watchful Russian officials who quickly perceived that a new threat was arising to their Government’s despotism; nationally enlightened Ukrainians would not willingly submit to Russian oppressive rule and would even attempt to free themselves.

Official Russia then declared that the annexation of Galicia was the safest course to take in order to offset the threatening danger. When this would be achieved, the time-honored Russian “a la Cosaque” methods would nip in the bud the resurrecting Ukrainian culture. These official Russian views were disseminated in periodicals and at public meetings. As long as a powerful Austria stood in the way, such theories could be advanced in speech and print, but they could not be put into practice. Since annexation by violence was not possible, one had to resort to other means.

The Ukrainian “renaissance” was declared by official Russia to be but a malicious invention of the Austrian Government, nay, the very existence of Ukrainians in Galicia was flatly denied, and the Ukrainians were described by Petersburg as Russians, brothers who were subject to utterly untolerable religious and national oppression! The Petersburg Government gave its financial support to the recently launched “Russian-Galician Society” and “Slav Benevolent Society,” both inspired by Count Bobrinski with the sole object of promoting Russian political agitation in Galicia. In this campaign, which started both on educational and religious lines, the chief Russian weapon was — the Ruble.

At first Galicia was flooded by Russian emissaries; these “agents provocateurs” were entrusted with the “disaffection mission” of the poorer class of peasants who were to be promised a free hand in the partition of the dominial estates and the robbing of the Jews, once the Czar would have conquered the country. Numbers of these poor peasant’s children were taken to Russia, there to be educated in convents to be fit agitators for the Russian Orthodox Church (the Ukrainians in Galicia are members of the Roman Catholic Church, though they have retained Greek rites); once their education completed, the “students” were sent back to Galicia with sufficient funds and with order to agitate and also to act as military spies, as the prosecutions in Marmaros Szigeth and Lemberg have amply disclosed.

Free boarding schools for poor peasant’s sons were founded with Russian funds, the educational work being carried on in accordance with Russian aims. Galicia was flooded with Russian anti-Austrian literature, the prayer books containing prayers for the Czar, and the Russian benefactors gave all these good things free, without wanting anything in return! Even certain English newspapers were influenced so far as to publish accounts of “the unparalleled oppression of the Russians in Galacia,” the authors being Bobrinski and also J. W. Birkbeck, an Englishman acting as Russia’s agent for England. Bobrinski did not shrink from going to Galicia and there to speak in terms which should, had the Austrian authorities concerned not been too lenient for peaces’ sake, have led him to detention for political crimes. Attempts were also made to persuade the Austrian Government through diplomatic channels that peace with Russia could be maintained only if the Russian agitation in Galicia were tolerated; at the very time Petersburg’s bureaucrats declared Galicia would soon be ripe for picking.

Inasmuch as public opinion exists in Russia it was carefulty prepared and familiarized with the idea that war with Austria is unavoidable, and that Galicia must be annexed. This policy was succinctly expressed by Bobrinski’s charateristis exclamation: “We shall not rest ere the Russian flag flies on the Carpathians!” To bring war about, and at the same time to conceal her aggressive policy, Russia started the anti-Austrian campaign in Servia. The unsuspecting reader might fancy that Russia’s attitude in backing Servia is the outcome of a sincere feeling of Slav solidarity, but the initiated knew perfectly well that Russia could reach Lemberg best by way of Belgrade.

Let us finally consider what was the Ukrainians’ attitude when this was started. From the very first minute it was well defined and unamimously supported: “We shall fight for freedom and Austria.” Immediately hostilities began, numerous Ukrainian volunteer companies took the field against Russia, their archibishop in Lemberg, Count Sheptycki, having devoted his entire fortune to this purpose. The archbishop has already been made prisoner and sent to Russia, where he shall have to answer for his unswerving patriotism. Count Sheptycki will be one of the many noble victims of a just cause; the Ukrainians will hold his memory in high esteem and honor.

It is to be anticipated that the hopes of his enduring and cultured nation will be fulfilled at an early date. Western civilization would fare all the better by it.

(The “Fatherland”, October 21, 1914).

The War in Galicia

Sir, — It was not without cause that I protested against the exaggerated importance given by the London Press to the reports of Russian victories. Much as I hope in the victory of the French and Belgian troops, with the help of the British, I am less happy at the Russian advance. In the words of one of the members of the Russian Duma, who was arrested and court-martialled recently, “the lesser evil would be a Russian defeat”. I am well content to leave it at that in so far as Russian Russia is concerned. The lie is thus given bluntly to the knaves who would have its believe that all is well in Russia to-day. All is not well. Political terrorism has not abated anywhere in the whole of the Empire. Our unfortunate and gallant Allies are the worst governed nation of the whole world.

Well, terrorism has begun in Galicia. And I am going to prove it with no other information than that given by the Petrograd correspondents of our leading newspapers. If their subeditors were not hopelessly overworked and ignorant mortals they would see to it that such information is withheld from us, as they know so well how to withhold it usually. To one who knows Galicia and the Ukraine, they afford damning evidence. I was much surprised, for instance, on December 5, to read a certain paragraph in the “Evening Standard.” It had a heavy headline, “Horrors in Galicia.” The sub-editor, to be sure, must have thought the horrors were caused by the Huns, the “blonde beasts.” He was mistaken. The Russians are in possession. By the way, the Muscovites contain in their ranks a much larger quantity of fair people than any army in the world. But to the information: “The Archbishop of Przemishl has arrived here after enduring great sufferings… Speaking of the situation in Galicia, his grace said that all his efforts to communicate with other Latin or Greco-Ruthenian Catholic bishops were vain, and the reports circulating about their condition most alarming.”

With my knowledge of the Ruthenian question and of Galicia, these are my conclusions. The archbishop has gone to Rome to complain to the Pope about the conduct of the Russians in Eastern Galicia. The River San divides Galicia in two parts, Eastern Ukrainian, Western Polish. They are as two worlds. The Eastern part, which is the only one with which I am concerned, and, roughly speaking, the part which the Austrian Government, under Prussian pressure, was compelled to evacuate before the Russian invasion, is populated by Ukrainians, or Ruthenians. These are, in a proportion of 97 per cent., Greco-Catholics in religion. The Archbishop of Lemberg, Mgr. Count Sheptizskyj, is the Metropolite. He belongs to a family older than that of the Habsburgs, and, if wealthy, at least as charitable and open-handed as rich. He is not unknown in this country and has been in Canada and the States to study the conditions of his folk who have emigrated there. Knowing the misery and the sufferings of the Ukrainians of Galicia, he did his best to group them together and took full advantage of the Nationalist revival to effect that purpose. No Radical was ever too radical for him. Ten years ago the Russian Government authorized all religions in the Empire, with one exception, i.e., the Greco-Catholic Church, the only Church which it had any cause to fear. When the Russian armies approached Lemberg the Archbishop was urged to leave, but he refused. He was arrested and taken to Kiev. Scores of priests and nationalist peasants followed him. Russian “missionaries” were sent to Eastern Galicia. The new Governor was a certain Count Bobrinsky, a cousin of that most notorious and infamous Count Vladimir Bobrinsky, the corrupter of the Galician peasants, the arch-enemy of the Ukrainians of Russia, perhaps the politician who is the most entirely devoid of scruple in the whole of Russia, a descendant (by Catharine II) of one of the Orloffs. He was promptly appointed by his cousin to supervise “relief”. That is exactly what he had been doing for several vears. The Bvzantine meaning of the word “relief” is well known. I repeat, all my information for recent facts is taken from the London Press. Over 400,000 Ruthenian refugees fled to Vienna and to Hungary. This shows how delighted the Ukrainians must be at the Russian advance. They inhabit also part of Hungary, around the Carpathian Passes. As a correspondent of the “Morning Post” informed us, “it was not the military that drove the Russians back, but the peasants, with scythes and revolvers.” In this fashion did thev welcome the Cossacks, who, by the way, burned every house and haystack as they withdrew, leaving the churches standing. Was that in derision?