by
John Elliot Drinkwater Bethune

Chapter I

Introduction — Birth and Education of Kepler — He is appointed Astronomical Professor at Gratz — Publishes the ‘Mysterium Cosmographicum.’

In the account of the life and discoveries of Galileo, we have endeavoured to inculcate the safety and fruitfulness of the method followed by that great reformer in his search after physical truth. As his success furnishes the best instance of the value of the inductive process, so the failures and blunders of his adversaries supply equally good examples of the dangers and the barrenness of the opposite course. The history of John Kepler might, at the first view, suggest conclusions somewhat inconsistent with this remark. Every one who is but moderately acquainted with astronomy is familiar with the discoveries which that science owes to him; the manner in which he made them is, perhaps, not so generally known. This extraordinary man pursued, almost invariably, the hypothetical method. His life was passed in speculating on the results of a few principles assumed by him, from very precarious analogies, as the causes of the phenomena actually observed in Nature. We nevertheless find that he did, in spite of this unphilosophical method, arrive at discoveries which have served as guides to some of the most valuable truths of modern science.

The difficulty will disappear if we attend more closely to the details of Kepler’s investigations. We shall perceive that to an unusual degree of rashness in the formation of his systems, he added a quality very rarely possessed by philosophers of the hypothetical school. One of the greatest intellectual vices of the latter was a wilful blindness to the discrepancy of facts from their creed, a perverse and obstinate resistance to physical evidence, leading not unfrequently to an attempt at disguising the truth. From this besetting sin of the school, which from an intellectual fault often degenerated into a moral one, Kepler was absolutely free. Scheme after scheme, resting originally upon little beyond his own glowing imagination, but examined and endeared by the ceaseless labour of years, was unhesitatingly sacrificed, as soon as its insufficiency became indisputable, to make room for others as little deserving support. The history of philosophy affords no more remarkable instance of sincere uncompromising love of truth. To this virtue he owed his great discoveries: it must be attributed to his unhappy method that he made no more.

In considering this opinion upon the real nature of Kepler’s title to fame, it ought not to be forgotten that he has exposed himself at a disadvantage on which certainly very few philosophers would venture. His singular candour allowed him to comment upon his own errors with the same freedom as if scrutinizing the work of a stranger; careless whether the impression on his readers were favourable or otherwise to himself, provided it was instructive. Few writers have spoken so much, and so freely of themselves, as Kepler. He records, on almost every occasion, the train of thought by which he was led to each of the discoveries that eventually repaid his perseverance; and he has thus given us a most curious and interesting view of the workings of a mind of great, though eccentric power. “In what follows,” says he (when introducing a long string of suppositions, of which he had already discovered the fallacy), “let the reader pardon my credulity, whilst working out all these matters by my own ingenuity. For it is my opinion that the occasions by which men have acquired a knowledge of celestial phenomena are not less admirable than the discoveries themselves.” Agreeing altogether with this opinion in its widest application, we have not scrupled, in the following sketch, to introduce at some length an account even of Kepler’s erroneous speculations; they are in themselves very amusing, and will have the additional utility of proving the dangerous tendency of his method; they will show by how many absurd theories, and how many years of wasted labour, his real discoveries and services to science lie surrounded.

John Kepler was born (as we are assured by his earliest biographer Hantsch) in long. 29° 7´, lat. 48° 54´, on the 21st day of December, 1571. On this spot stands the imperial city of Weil, in the duchy of Wirtemberg. His parents were Henry Kepler and Catherine Guldenmann, both of noble, though decayed families. Henry Kepler, at the time of his marriage, was a petty officer in the Duke of Wirtemberg’s service; and a few years after the birth of his eldest son John, he joined the army then serving in the Netherlands. His wife followed him, leaving their son, then in his fifth year, at Leonberg, under the care of his grandfather. He was a seven months child, very weak and sickly; and after recovering with difficulty from a severe attack of small-pox, he was sent to school in 1577. Henry Kepler’s limited income was still farther reduced on his return into Germany, the following year, in consequence of the absconding of one of his acquaintance, for whom he had incautiously become surety. His circumstances were so much narrowed by this misfortune, that he was obliged to sell his house, and nearly all that he possessed, and for several years he supported his family by keeping a tavern at Elmendingen. This occasioned great interruption to young Kepler’s education; he was taken from school, and employed in menial services till his twelfth year, when he was again placed in the school at Elmendingen. In the following year he was again seized with a violent illness, so that his life was almost despaired of. In 1586, he was admitted into the monastic school of Maulbronn, where the cost of his education was defrayed by the Duke of Wirtemberg. This school was one of those established on the suppression of the monasteries at the Reformation, and the usual course of education followed there required that the students, after remaining a year in the superior classes, should offer themselves for examination at the college of Tubingen for the degree of bachelor: they then returned to their school with the title of veterans; and after completing the studies taught there, they were admitted as resident students at Tubingen, proceeded in about a year to the degree of master, and were then allowed to commence their course of theology. The three years of Kepler’s life following his admission to Maulbronn, were marked by periodical returns of several of the disorders which had well nigh proved fatal to him in his childhood. During the same time disagreements arose between his parents, in consequence of which his father quitted his home, and soon after died abroad. After his father’s departure, his mother also quarrelled with her relations, having been treated, says Hantsch, “with a degree of barbarity by her husband and brother-in-law that was hardly exceeded even by her own perverseness:” one of his brothers died, and the family-affairs were in the greatest confusion. Notwithstanding these disadvantages, Kepler took his degree of master in August 1591, attaining the second place in the annual examination. The first name on the list was John Hippolytus Brentius.

Whilst he was thus engaged at Tubingen, the astronomical lectureship at Gratz, the chief town of Styria, became vacant by the death of George Stadt, and the situation was offered to Kepler. Of this first occasion of turning his thoughts towards astronomy, he has himself given the following account: “As soon as I was of an age to feel the charms of philosophy, I embraced every part of it with intense desire, but paid no especial regard to astronomy. I had indeed capacity enough for it, and learned without difficulty the geometrical and astronomical theorems occurring in the usual course of the school, being well grounded in figures, numbers, and proportions. But those were compulsory studies — there was nothing to show a particular turn for astronomy. I was educated at the expense of the Duke of Wirtemberg, and when I saw such of my companions as the duke selected to send abroad shrink in various ways from their employments, out of fondness for home, I, who was more callous, had early made up my mind to go with the utmost readiness whithersoever I might be sent. The first offering itself was an astronomical post, which I was in fact forced to accept by the authority of my tutors; not that I was alarmed, in the manner I had condemned in others, by the remoteness of the situation, but by the unexpected and contemptible nature of the office, and by the slightness of my information in this branch of philosophy. I entered on it, therefore, better furnished with talent than knowledge: with many protestations that I was not abandoning my claim to be provided for in some other more brilliant profession. What progress I made in the first two years of my studies, may be seen in my ‘Mysterium Cosmographicum;’ and the encouragement given me by my tutor, Mästlin, to take up the science of astronomy, may be read in the same book, and in his letter which is prefixed to the ‘Narrative of Rheticus.’ I looked on that discovery as of the highest importance, and still more so, because I saw how greatly it was approved by Mästlin.”

The nature of the singular work to which Kepler thus refers with so much complacency, will be best shown by quoting some of the most remarkable parts of it, and especially the preface, in which he briefly details some of the theories he successively examined and rejected, before detecting (as he imagined he had here done) the true cause of the number and order of the heavenly bodies. The other branches of philosophy with which he occupied himself in his younger years, were those treated by Scaliger in his ‘Exoteric Exercises,’ to the study of which book Kepler attributed the formation of many of his opinions; and he tells us that he devoted much time “to the examination of the nature of heaven, of souls, of genii, of the elements, of the essence of fire, of the cause of fountains, the ebb and flow of the tide, the shape of the continents, and inland seas, and things of this sort.” He also says, that by his first success with the heavens, his hopes were greatly inflamed of discovering similar analogies in the rest of the visible world, and for this reason, named his book merely a Prodromus, or Forerunner, meaning, at some future period, to subjoin the Aftercomer, or Sequel. But this intention was never fulfilled; either his imagination failed him, or, what is more likely, the laborious calculations in which his astronomical theories engaged him, left him little time for turning his attention to objects unconnected with his first pursuit.

It is seldom that we are admitted to trace the progress of thought in those who have distinguished themselves by talent and originality; and although the whole of the following speculations begin and end in error, yet they are so characteristic, and exhibit such an extraordinary picture of the extravagances into which Kepler’s lively imagination was continually hurrying him, that we cannot refrain from citing nearly the whole preface. From it, better than from any enumeration of peculiarities, the reader will at once apprehend the nature of his disposition.

“When I was attending the celebrated Mästlin, six years ago, at Tubingen, I was disturbed by the manifold inconveniences of the common theory of the universe, and so delighted with Copernicus, whom Mästlin was frequently in the habit of quoting with great respect, that I not only often defended his propositions in the physical disputations of the candidates, but also wrote a correct essay on the primary motion, maintaining, that it is caused by the rotation of the earth. And I was then at that point that I attributed to the earth the motion of the sun on physical (or, if you will, on metaphysical) grounds, as Copernicus had done for mathematical reasons. And, by this practice, I came by degrees, partly from Mästlin’s instructions, and partly from my own efforts, to understand the superior mathematical convenience of the system of Copernicus beyond Ptolemy’s. This labour might have been spared me, by Joachim Rheticus, who has shortly and clearly explained everything in his first Narrative. While incidentally engaged in these labours, in the intermission of my theology, it happened conveniently that I succeeded George Stadt in his situation at Gratz, where the nature of my office connected me more closely with these studies. Everything I had learned from Mästlin, or had acquired of myself, was there of great service to me in explaining the first elements of astronomy. And, as in Virgil, ‘Fama mobilitate viget, viresque acquirit eundo,’ so it was with me, that the diligent thought on these things was the occasion of still further thinking: until, at last, in the year 1595, when I had some intermission of my lectures allowed me, I brooded with the whole energy of my mind on this subject. There were three things in particular, of which I pertinaciously sought the causes why they are not other than they are: the number, the size, and the motion of the orbits. I attempted the thing at first with numbers, and considered whether one of the orbits might be double, triple, quadruple, or any other multiple of the others, and how much, according to Copernicus, each differed from the rest. I spent a great deal of time in that labour, as if it were mere sport, but could find no equality either in the proportions or the differences, and I gained nothing from this beyond imprinting deeply in my memory the distances as assigned by Copernicus; unless, perhaps, reader, this record of my various attempts may force your assent, backwards and forwards, as the waves of the sea; until tired at length, you will willingly repose yourself, as in a safe haven, on the reasons explained in this book. However, I was comforted in some degree, and my hopes of success were supported as well by other reasons which will follow presently, as by observing that the motions in every case seemed to be connected with the distances, and that where there was a great gap between the orbits, there was the same between the motions. And I reasoned, that if God had adapted motions to the orbits in some relation to the distances, it was probable that he had also arrayed the distances themselves in relation to something else.

“Finding no success by this method, I tried another, of singular audacity. I inserted a new planet between Mars and Jupiter, and another between Venus and Mercury, both of which I supposed invisible, perhaps on account of their smallness, and I attributed to each a certain period of revolution. I thought that I could thus contrive some equality of proportions, increasing between every two, from the sun to the fixed stars. For instance, the Earth is nearer Venus in parts of the terrestrial orbit, than Mars is to the Earth in parts of the orbit of Mars. But not even the interposition of a new planet sufficed for the enormous gap between Mars and Jupiter; for the proportion of Jupiter to the new planet was still greater than that of Saturn to Jupiter. And although, by this supposition, I got some sort of a proportion, yet there was no reasonable conclusion, no certain determination of the number of the planets either towards the fixed stars, till we should get as far as them, nor ever towards the Sun, because the division in this proportion of the residuary space within Mercury might be continued without end. Nor could I form any conjecture, from the mobility of particular numbers, why, among an infinite number, so few should be moveable. The opinion advanced by Rheticus in his Narrative is improbable, where he reasons from the sanctity of the number six to the number of the six moveable heavens; for he who is inquiring of the frame of the world itself, must not derive reasons from these numbers, which have gained importance from things of later date.

“I sought again, in another way, whether the distance of every planet is not as the residuum of a sine; and its motion as the residuum of the sine of the complement in the same quadrant.

“Conceive the square AB to be constructed, whose side AC is equal to the semidiameter of the universe. From the angle B opposite to A the place of the sun, or centre of the world, describe the quadrant DC with the radius BC. Then in AC, the true radius of the world, let the sun, fixed stars, and planets be marked at their respective distances, and from these points draw lines parallel to BC, meeting the quadrant. I imagined the moving force acting on each of the planets to be in the proportion of these parallels. In the line of the sun is infinity, because AD is touched, and not cut, by the quadrant: therefore the moving force is infinite in the sun, as deriving no motion except from its own act. In Mercury the infinite line is cut off at K, and therefore at this point the motion is comparable with the others. In the fixed stars the line is altogether lost, and compressed into a mere point C; therefore at that point there is no moving force. This was the theorem, which was to be tried by calculation; but if any one will reflect that two things were wanting to me, first, that I did not know the size of the Sinus Totus, that is, the radius of the proposed quadrant; secondly, that the energies of the motions were not thus expressed otherwise than in relation one to another; whoever, I say, well considers this, will doubt, not without reason, as to the progress I was likely to make in this difficult course. And yet, with unremitting labour, and an infinite reciprocation of sines and arcs, I did get so far as to be convinced that this theory could not hold.

“Almost the whole summer was lost in these annoying labours; at last, by a trifling accident, I lighted more nearly on the truth. I looked on it as an interposition of Providence, that I should obtain by chance, what I had failed to discover with my utmost exertions; and I believed this the more, because I prayed constantly that I might succeed, if Copernicus had really spoken the truth. It happened on the 9th or 19th day of July, in the year 1595, that, having occasion to show, in my lecture-room, the passages of the great conjunctions through eight signs, and how they pass gradually from one trine aspect to another, I inscribed in a circle a great number of triangles, or quasi-triangles, so that the end of one was made the beginning of another. In this manner a smaller circle was shadowed out by the points in which the lines crossed each other.

A Scheme of the great Conjunctions of Saturn & Jupiter, their leaps through eight Signs, and their passages through all the four Triplicities of the Zodiac.

“The radius of a circle inscribed in a triangle is half the radius of that described about it; therefore the proportion between these two circles struck the eye as almost identical with that between Saturn and Jupiter, and the triangle is the first figure, just as Saturn and Jupiter are the first planets. On the spot I tried the second distance between Jupiter and Mars with a square, the third with a pentagon, the fourth with a hexagon. And as the eye again cried out against the second distance between Jupiter and Mars, I combined the square with a triangle and a pentagon. There would be no end of mentioning every trial. The failure of this fruitless attempt was the beginning of the last fortunate one; for I reflected, that in this way I should never reach the sun, if I wished to observe the same rule throughout; nor should I have any reason why there were six, rather than twenty or a hundred moveable orbits. And yet figures pleased me, as being quantities, and as having existed before the heavens; for quantity was created with matter, and the heavens afterwards. But if (this was the current of my thoughts), in relation to the quantity and proportion of the six orbits, as Copernicus has determined them among the infinite other figures, five only could be found having peculiar properties above the rest, my business would be done. And then again it struck me, what have plane figures to do among solid orbits? Solid bodies ought rather to be introduced. This, reader, is the invention and the whole substance of this little work; for if any one, though but moderately skilled in geometry, should hear these words hinted, the five regular solids will directly occur to him with the proportions of their circumscribed and inscribed spheres: he has immediately before his eyes that scholium of Euclid to the 18th proposition of his 13th Book, in which it is proved to be impossible that there should be, or be imagined, more than five regular bodies.

“What is worthy of admiration (since I had then no proof of any prerogatives of the bodies with regard to their order) is, that employing a conjecture which was far from being subtle, derived from the distances of the planets, I should at once attain my end so happily in arranging them, that I was not able to change anything afterwards with the utmost exercise of my reasoning powers. In memory of the event, I write down here for you the sentence, just as it fell from me, and in the words in which it was that moment conceived: — The Earth is the circle, the measurer of all; round it describe a dodecahedron, the circle including this will be Mars. Round Mars describe a tetrahedron, the circle including this will be Jupiter. Describe a cube round Jupiter, the circle including this will be Saturn. Now, inscribe in the Earth an icosahedron, the circle inscribed in it will be Venus. Inscribe an octahedron in Venus, the circle inscribed in it will be Mercury. This is the reason of the number of the planets.

“This was the cause, and such the success, of my labour: now read my propositions in this book. The intense pleasure I have received from this discovery never can be told in words. I regretted no more the time wasted; I tired of no labour; I shunned no toll of reckoning; days and nights I spent in calculations; until I could see whether this opinion would agree with the orbits of Copernicus, or whether my joy was to vanish into air. I willingly subjoin that sentiment of Archytas, as given by Cicero: ‘If I could mount up into heaven, and thoroughly perceive the nature of the world, and beauty of the stars, that admiration would be without a charm for me, unless I had some one like you, reader, candid, attentive, and eager for knowledge, to whom to describe it.’ If you acknowledge this feeling, and are candid, you will refrain from blame, such as not without cause I anticipate; but if, leaving that to itself, you fear lest these things be not ascertained, and that I have shouted triumph before victory, at least approach these pages, and learn the matter in consideration: you will not find, as just now, new and unknown planets interposed; that boldness of mine is not approved, but those old ones very little loosened, and so furnished by the interposition (however absurd you may think it) of rectilinear figures, that in future you may give a reason to the rustics when they ask for the hooks which keep the skies from falling. — Farewell.”

In the third chapter Kepler mentions, that a thickness must be allowed to each orb sufficient to include the greatest and least distance of the planet from the sun. The form and result of his comparison with the real distances are as follows: —

It will be observed, that Kepler’s results were far from being entirely satisfactory; but he seems to have flattered himself, that the differences might be attributed to erroneous measurements. Indeed, the science of observation was then so much in its infancy, that such an assertion might be made without incurring much risk of decisive refutation.

Kepler next endeavoured to determine why the regular solids followed in this rather than any other order; and his imagination soon created a variety of essential distinctions between the cube, pyramid, and dodecahedron, belonging to the superior planets, and the other two.

The next question examined in the book, is the reason why the zodiac is divided into 360 degrees; and on this subject, he soon becomes enveloped in a variety of subtle considerations, (not very intelligible in the original, and still more difficult to explain shortly to others unacquainted with it,) in relation to the divisions of the musical scale; the origin of which he identifies with his five favourite solids. The twentieth chapter is appropriated to a more interesting inquiry, containing the first traces of his finally successful researches into the proportion between the distances of the planets, and the times of their motions round the sun. He begins with the generally admitted fact, that the more distant planets move more slowly; but in order to show that the proportion, whatever it may be, is not the simple one of the distances, he exhibits the following little Table: —

At the head of each vertical column is placed the real time (in days and sexagesimal parts) of the revolution of the planet placed above it, and underneath the days due to the other inferior planets, if they observed the proportion of distance. Hence it appears that this proportion in every case gives a time greater than the truth; as for instance, if the earth’s rate of revolution were to Jupiter’s in the proportion of their distances, the second column shows that the time of her period would be 843 instead of 365¼ days; so of the rest. His next attempt was to compare them by two by two, in which he found that he arrived at a proportion something like the proportion of the distances, although as yet far from obtaining it exactly. This process amounts to taking the quotients obtained by dividing the period of each planet by the period of the one next beyond.

From this table he argued that to make the proportions agree, we must assume one of two things, “either that the moving intelligences of the planets are weakest in those which are farthest from the Sun, or that there is one moving intelligence in the Sun, the common centre forcing them all round, but those most violently which are nearest, and that it languishes in some sort, and grows weaker at the most distant, because of the remoteness and the attenuation of the virtue.”

We stop here to insert a note added by Kepler to the later editions, and shall take advantage of the same interruption to warn the reader not to confound this notion of Kepler with the theory of a gravitating force towards the Sun, in the sense in which we now use those words. According to our theory, the effect of the presence of the Sun upon the planet is to pull it towards the centre in a straight line, and the effect of the motion thus produced combined with the motion of the planet, which if undisturbed would be in a straight line inclined to the direction of the radius, is, that it describes a curve round the Sun. Kepler considered his planets as perfectly quiet and unwilling to move when left alone; and that this virtue supposed by him to proceed in every direction out of the Sun, swept them round, just as the sails of a windmill would carry round anything which became entangled in them. In other parts of his works Kepler mentions having speculated on a real attractive force in the centre; but as he knew that the planets are not always at the same distance from the Sun, and conceived erroneously, that to remove them from their least to their greatest distance a repulsive force must be supposed alternating with an attractive one, he laid aside this notion as improbable. In a note he acknowledges that when he wrote the passage just quoted, imbued as he then was with Scaliger’s notions on moving intelligences, he literally believed “that each planet was moved by a living spirit, but afterwards came to look on the moving cause as a corporeal though immaterial substance, something in the nature of light which is observed to diminish similarly at increased distances.” He then proceeds as follows in the original text.

“Let us then assume, as is very probable, that motion is dispensed by the sun in the same manner as light. The proportion in which light emanating from a centre is diminished, is taught by optical writers: for there is the same quantity of light, or of the solar rays, in the small circles as in the large; and therefore, as it is more condensed in the former, more attenuated in the latter, a measure of the attenuation may be derived from the proportion of the circles themselves, both in the case of light and of the moving virtue. Therefore, by how much the orbit of Venus is greater than that of Mercury, in the same proportion will the motion of the latter be stronger, or more hurried, or more swift, or more powerful, or by whatever other word you like to express the fact, than that of the former. But a larger orbit would require a proportionably longer time of revolution, even though the moving force were the same. Hence it follows that the one cause of a greater distance of the planet from the Sun, produces a double effect in increasing the period, and conversely the increase of the periods will be double the difference of the distances. Therefore, half the increment added to the shorter period ought to give the true proportion of the distances, so that the sum should represent the distance of the superior planet, on the same scale on which the shorter period represents the distance of the interior one. For instance, the period of Mercury is nearly 88 days; that of Venus is 224⅔, the difference is 136⅔: half of this is 68⅓, which, added to 88, gives 156⅓. The mean distance of Venus ought, therefore, to be, in proportion to that of Mercury, as 156⅓ to 88. If this be done with all the planets, we get the following results, taking successively, as before, the distance of each planet at 1000.

“As you see, we have now got nearer the truth.”

Finding that this theory of the rate of diminution would not bring him quite close to the result he desired to find, Kepler immediately imagined another. This latter occasioned him a great deal of perplexity, and affords another of the frequently recurring instances of the waste of time and ingenuity occasioned by his impetuous and precipitate temperament. Assuming the distance of any planet, as for instance of Mars, to be the unit of space, and the virtue at that distance to be the unit of force, he supposed that as many particles as the virtue at the Earth gained upon that of Mars, so many particles of distance did the Earth lose. He endeavoured to determine the respective positions of the planets upon this theory, by the rules of false position, but was much astonished at finding the same exactly as on his former hypothesis. The fact was, as he himself discovered, although not until after several years, that he had become confused in his calculation; and when half through the process, had retraced his steps so as of course to arrive again at the numbers from which he started, and which he had taken from his former results. This was the real secret of the identity of the two methods; and if, when he had taken the distance of Mars at 1000, instead of assuming the distance of the earth at 694, as he did, he had taken any other number, and operated upon it in the same manner, he would have had the same reason for relying on the accuracy of his supposition. As it was, the result utterly confounded him; and he was obliged to leave it with the remark, that “the two theories are thus proved to be the same in fact, and only different in form; although how that can possibly be, I have never to this day been able to understand.” — His perplexity was very reasonable; they are by no means the same; it was only his method of juggling with the figures which seemed to connect them.

Notwithstanding all its faults, the genius and unwearied perseverance displayed by Kepler in this book, immediately ranked him among astronomers of the first class; and he received the most flattering encomiums from many of the most celebrated; among others, from Galileo and Tycho Brahe, whose opinion he invited upon his performance. Galileo contented himself with praising in general terms the ingenuity and good faith which appeared so conspicuously in it. Tycho Brahe entered into a more detailed criticism of the work, and, as Kepler shrewdly remarked, showed how highly he thought of it by advising him to try to adapt something of the same kind to the Tychonic system. Kepler also sent a copy of his book to the imperial astronomer, Raimar, with a complimentary letter, in which he exalted him above all other astronomers of the age. Raimar had surreptitiously acquired a notion of Tycho Brahe’s theory, and published it as his own; and Tycho, in his letter, complained of Kepler’s extravagant flattery. This drew a long apologetical reply from Kepler, in which he attributed the admiration he had expressed of Raimar to his own want of information at that time, having since met with many things in Euclid and Regiomontanus, which he then believed original in Raimar. With this explanation, Tycho professed himself perfectly satisfied.

Chapter II

Kepler’s Marriage — He joins Tycho Brahe at Prague — Is appointed Imperial Mathematician — Treatise on the New Star.

The publication of this extraordinary book, early as it occurs in the history of Kepler’s life, was yet preceded by his marriage. He had contemplated this step so early as 1592; but that suit having been broken off, he paid his addresses, in 1596, to Barbara Muller von Muhleckh. This lady was already a widow for the second time, although two years younger than Kepler himself. On occasion of this alliance he was required to prove the nobility of his family, and the delay consequent upon the inquiry postponed the marriage till the following year. He soon became involved in difficulties in consequence of this inconsiderate engagement: his wife’s fortune was less than he had been led to expect, and he became embroiled on that account with her relations. Still more serious inconvenience resulted to him from the troubled state in which the province of Styria was at that time, arising out of the disputes in Bohemia and the two great religious parties into which the empire was now divided, the one headed by Rodolph, the feeble minded emperor, — the other by Matthias, his ambitious and enterprising brother.

In the year following his marriage, he thought it prudent, on account of some opinions he had unadvisedly promulgated, (of what nature does not very distinctly appear,) to withdraw himself from Gratz into Hungary. Thence he transmitted several short treatises to his friend Zehentmaier, at Tubingen — “On the Magnet,” “On the Cause of the Obliquity of the Ecliptic,” and “On the Divine Wisdom, as shown in the Creation.” Little is known of these works beyond the notice taken of them in Zehentmaier’s answers. Kepler has himself told us, that his magnetic philosophy was built upon the investigations of Gilbert, of whom he always justly spoke with the greatest respect.

About the same time a more violent persecution had driven Tycho Brahe from his observatory of Uraniburg, in the little island of Hueen, at the entrance of the Baltic. This had been bestowed on him by the munificence of Frederick I. of Denmark, who liberally furnished him with every means of prosecuting his astronomical observations. After Frederick’s death, Tycho found himself unable to withstand the party which had constantly opposed him, and was forced, at a great loss and much inconvenience, to quit his favourite island. On the invitation of the emperor, Rudolph II., he then betook himself, after a short stay at Hamburg, to the castle of Benach, near Prague, which was assigned to him with an annual pension of three thousand florins, a truly munificent provision in those times and that country.

Kepler had been eager to see Tycho Brahe since the latter had intimated that his observations had led him to a more accurate determination of the excentricities of the orbits of the planets. By help of this, Kepler hoped that his theory might be made to accord more nearly with the truth; and on learning that Tycho was in Bohemia, he immediately set out to visit him, and arrived at Prague in January, 1600. From thence he wrote a second letter to Tycho, not having received the answer to his former apology, again excusing himself for the part he had appeared to take with Raimar against him. Tycho replied immediately in the kindest manner, and begged he would repair to him directly: — “Come not as a stranger, but as a very welcome friend; come and share in my observations with such instruments as I have with me, and as a dearly beloved associate.” During his stay of three or four months at Benach, it was settled that Tycho should apply to the emperor, to procure him the situation of assistant in the observatory. Kepler then returned to Gratz, having previously received an intimation, that he might do so in safety. The plan, as it had been arranged between them was, that a letter should be procured from the emperor to the states of Styria, requesting that Kepler might join Tycho Brahe for two years, and retain his salary during that time: a hundred florins were to be added annually by the emperor, on account of the greater dearness of living at Prague. But before everything was concluded, Kepler finally threw up his situation at Gratz, in consequence of new dissensions. Fearing that this would utterly put an end to his hopes of connecting himself with Tycho, he determined to revive his claims on the patronage of the Duke of Wirtemberg. With this view he entered into correspondence with Mästlin and some of his other friends at Tubingen, intending to prosecute his medical studies, and offer himself for the professorship of medicine in that university. He was dissuaded from this scheme by the pressing instances of Tycho, who undertook to exert himself in procuring a permanent settlement for him from the emperor, and assured him, even if that attempt should fail, that the language he had used when formerly inviting him to visit him at Hamburg, should not be forgotten. In consequence of this encouragement, Kepler abandoned his former scheme, and travelled again with his wife to Prague. He was detained a long time on the road by violent illness, and his money became entirely exhausted. On this he wrote complainingly to Tycho, that he was unable without assistance to travel even the short distance which still separated them, far less to await much longer the fulfilment of the promises held out to him.

By his subsequent admissions, it appears that for a considerable time he lived entirely on Tycho’s bounty, and by way of return, he wrote an essay against Raimar, and against a Scotchman named Liddell, professor at Rostoch and Helmstadt, who, like Raimar, had appropriated to himself the credit of the Tychonic system. Kepler never adopted this theory, and indeed, as the question merely regarded priority of invention, there could be no occasion, in the discussion, for an examination of its principles.

This was followed by a transaction, not much to Kepler’s credit, who in the course of the following year, and during a second absence from Prague, fancied that he had some reason to complain of Tycho’s behaviour, and wrote him a violent letter, filled with reproaches and insults. Tycho appears to have behaved in this affair with great moderation: professing to be himself occupied with the marriage of his daughter, he gave the care of replying to Kepler’s charges, to Ericksen, one of his assistants, who, in a very kind and temperate letter, pointed out to him the ingratitude of his behaviour, and the groundlessness of his dissatisfaction. His principal complaint seems to have been, that Tycho had not sufficiently supplied his wife with money during his absence. Ericksen’s letter produced an immediate and entire change in Kepler’s temper, and it is only from the humble recantation which he instantaneously offered that we learn the extent of his previous violence. “Most noble Tycho,” these are the words of his letter, “how shall I enumerate or rightly estimate your benefits conferred on me! For two months you have liberally and gratuitously maintained me, and my whole family; you have provided for all my wishes; you have done me every possible kindness; you have communicated to me everything you hold most dear; no one, by word or deed, has intentionally injured me in anything: in short, not to your children, your wife, or yourself have you shown more indulgence than to me. This being so, as I am anxious to put upon record, I cannot reflect without consternation that I should have been so given up by God to my own intemperance, as to shut my eyes on all these benefits; that, instead of modest and respectful gratitude, I should indulge for three weeks in continual moroseness towards all your family, in headlong passion, and the utmost insolence towards yourself, who possess so many claims on my veneration from your noble family, your extraordinary learning, and distinguished reputation. Whatever I have said or written against the person, the fame, the honour, and the learning of your excellency; or whatever, in any other way, I have injuriously spoken or written, (if they admit no other more favourable interpretation,) as to my grief I have spoken and written many things, and more than I can remember; all and everything I recant, and freely and honestly declare and profess to be groundless, false, and incapable of proof.” Hoffmann, the president of the states of Styria, who had taken Kepler to Prague on his first visit, exerted himself to perfect the reconciliation, and this hasty quarrel was entirely passed over.

On Kepler’s return to Prague, in September, 1601, he was presented to the Emperor by Tycho, and honoured with the title of Imperial Mathematician, on condition of assisting Tycho in his calculations. Kepler desired nothing more than this condition, since Tycho was at that time probably the only person in the world who possessed observations sufficient for the reform which he now began to meditate in the theory of astronomy. Rudolph appears to have valued both Tycho Brahe and Kepler as astrologers rather than astronomers; but although unable to appreciate rightly the importance of the task they undertook, of compiling a new set of astronomical tables founded upon Tycho’s observations, yet his vanity was flattered with the prospect of his name being connected with such a work, and he made liberal promises to defray the expense of the new Rudolphine Tables. Tycho’s principal assistant at this time was Longomontanus, who altered his name to this form, according to the prevalent fashion of giving to every name a Latin termination. Lomborg or Longbierg was the name, not of his family, but of the village in Denmark, where he was born, just as Müller was seldom called by any other name than Regiomontanus, from his native town Königsberg, as George Joachim Rheticus was so surnamed from Rhetia, the country of the Grisons, and as Kepler himself was sometimes called Leonmontanus, from Leonberg, where he passed his infancy. It was agreed between Longomontanus and Kepler, that in discussing Tycho’s observations, the former should apply himself especially to the Moon, and the latter to Mars, on which planet, owing to its favourable position, Tycho was then particularly engaged. The nature of these labours will be explained when we come to speak of the celebrated book “On the Motions of Mars.”

This arrangement was disturbed by the return of Longomontanus into Denmark, where he had been offered an astronomical professorship, and still more by the sudden death of Tycho Brahe himself in the following October. Kepler attended him during his illness, and after his death undertook to arrange some of his writings. But, in consequence of a misunderstanding between him and Tycho’s family, the manuscripts were taken out of his hands; and when, soon afterwards, the book appeared, Kepler complained heavily that they had published, without his consent or knowledge, the notes and interlineations added by him for his own private guidance whilst preparing it for publication.

On Tycho’s death, Kepler succeeded him as principal mathematician to the emperor; but although he was thus nominally provided with a liberal salary, it was almost always in arrear. The pecuniary embarrassments in which he constantly found himself involved, drove him to the resource of gaining a livelihood by casting nativities. His peculiar temperament rendered him not averse from such speculations, and he enjoyed considerable reputation in this line, and received ample remuneration for his predictions. But although he did not scruple, when consulted, to avail himself in this manner of the credulity of his contemporaries, he passed over few occasions in his works of protesting against the futility of this particular genethliac astrology. His own astrological creed was in a different strain, more singular, but not less extravagant. We shall defer entering into any details concerning it, till we come to treat of his book on Harmonics, in which he has collected and recapitulated the substance of his scattered opinions on this strange subject.

His next works deserving notice are those published on occasion of the new star which shone out with great splendour in 1604, in the constellation Cassiopeia. Immediately on its appearance, Kepler wrote a short account of it in German, marked with all the oddity which characterises most of his productions. We shall see enough of his astronomical calculations when we come to his book on Mars; the following passage will probably be found more amusing.

After comparing this star with that of 1572, and mentioning that many persons who had seen it maintained this to be the brighter of the two, since it was nearly twice the size of its nearest neighbour, Jupiter, he proceeds as follows: — “Yonder one chose for its appearance a time no way remarkable, and came into the world quite unexpectedly, like an enemy storming a town, and breaking into the market-place before the citizens are aware of his approach; but ours has come exactly in the year of which astrologers have written so much about the fiery trigon that happens in it; just in the month in which (according to Cyprian) Mars comes up to a very perfect conjunction with the other two superior planets; just in the day when Mars has joined Jupiter, and just in the place where this conjunction has taken place. Therefore the apparition of this star is not like a secret hostile irruption, as was that one of 1572, but the spectacle of a public triumph, or the entry of a mighty potentate; when the couriers ride in some time before, to prepare his lodgings, and the crowd of young urchins begin to think the time over-long to wait: then roll in, one after another, the ammunition, and money, and baggage waggons, and presently the trampling of horse, and the rush of people from every side to the streets and windows; and when the crowd have gazed with their jaws all agape at the troops of knights; then at last, the trumpeters, and archers, and lackeys, so distinguish the person of the monarch, that there is no occasion to point him out, but every one cries out of his own accord — ‘Here we have him!’ — What it may portend is hard to determine, and thus much only is certain, that it comes to tell mankind either nothing at all, or high and weighty news, quite beyond human sense and understanding. It will have an important influence on political and social relations; not indeed by its own nature, but, as it were, accidentally through the disposition of mankind. First, it portends to the booksellers great disturbances, and tolerable gains; for almost every Theologus, Philosophicus, Medicus, and Mathematicus, or whoever else, having no laborious occupation intrusted to him, seeks his pleasure in studiis, will make particular remarks upon it, and will wish to bring these remarks to the light. Just so will others, learned and unlearned, wish to know its meaning, and they will buy the authors who profess to tell them. I mention these things merely by way of example, because, although thus much can be easily predicted without great skill, yet may it happen just as easily, and in the same manner, that the vulgar, or whoever else is of easy faith, or it may be, crazy, may wish to exalt himself into a great prophet; or it may even happen that some powerful lord, who has good foundation and beginning of great dignities, will be cheered on by this phenomenon to venture on some new scheme, just as if God had set up this star in the darkness merely to enlighten them.”

It would hardly be supposed, from the tenor of this last passage, that the writer of it was not a determined enemy to astrological predictions of every description. In 1602 he had published a disputation, not now easily met with, “On the Principles of Astrology,” in which it seems that he treated the professed astrologers with great severity. The essence of this book is probably contained in the second treatise on the new star, which he published in 1606. In this volume he inveighs repeatedly against the vanity and worthlessness of ordinary astrology, declaring at the same time, that the professors of that art know that this judgment is pronounced by one well acquainted with its principles. “For if the vulgar are to pronounce who is the best astrologer, my reputation is known to be of the highest order; if they prefer the judgment of the learned, they are already condemned. Whether they stand with me in the eyes of the populace, or I fall with them before the learned, in both cases I am in their ranks; I am on a level with them; I cannot be renounced.”

The theory which Kepler proposed to substitute is intimated shortly in the following passage: “I maintain that the colours and aspects, and conjunctions of the planets, are impressed on the natures or faculties of sublunary things, and when they occur, that these are excited as well in forming as in moving the body over whose motion they preside. Now let no one conceive a prejudice that I am anxiously seeking to mend the deplorable and hopeless cause of astrology by far-fetched subtilties and miserable quibbling. I do not value it sufficiently, nor have I ever shunned having astrologers for my enemies. But a most unfailing experience (as far as can be hoped in natural phenomena) of the excitement of sublunary natures by the conjunctions and aspects of the planets, has instructed and compelled my unwilling belief.”

After exhausting other topics suggested by this new star, he examines the different opinions on the cause of its appearance. Among others he mentions the Epicurean notion, that it was a fortuitous concourse of atoms, whose appearance in this form was merely one of the infinite number of ways in which, since the beginning of time, they have been combined. Having descanted for some time on this opinion, and declared himself altogether hostile to it, Kepler proceeds as follows: — “When I was a youth, with plenty of idle time on my hands, I was much taken with the vanity, of which some grown men are not ashamed, of making anagrams, by transposing the letters of my name, written in Greek, so as to make another sentence: out of Ιωάννης Κεπλῆρος I made Σειρήνων κάπηλος; in Latin, out of Joannes Keplerus came Serpens in akuleo. But not being satisfied with the meaning of these words, and being unable to make another, I trusted the thing to chance, and taking out of a pack of playing cards as many as there were letters in the name, I wrote one upon each, and then began to shuffle them, and at each shuffle to read them in the order they came, to see if any meaning came of it. Now, may all the Epicurean gods and goddesses confound this same chance, which, although I spent a good deal of time over it, never showed me anything like sense even from a distance. So I gave up my cards to the Epicurean eternity, to be carried away into infinity, and, it is said, they are still flying about there, in the utmost confusion among the atoms, and have never yet come to any meaning. I will tell these disputants, my opponents, not my own opinion, but my wife’s. Yesterday, when weary with writing, and my mind quite dusty with considering these atoms, I was called to supper, and a salad I had asked for was set before me. It seems then, said I aloud, that if pewter dishes, leaves of lettuce, grains of salt, drops of water, vinegar, and oil, and slices of egg, had been flying about in the air from all eternity, it might at last happen by chance that there would come a salad. Yes, says my wife, but not so nice and well dressed as this of mine is.”

Chapter III

Kepler publishes his Supplement to Vitellion — Theory of Refraction.

During several years Kepler remained, as he himself forcibly expressed it, begging his bread from the emperor at Prague, and the splendour of his nominal income served only to increase his irritation, at the real neglect under which he nevertheless persevered in his labours. His family was increasing, and he had little wherewith to support them beyond the uncertain proceeds of his writings and nativities. His salary was charged partly on the states of Silesia, partly on the imperial treasury; but it was in vain that repeated orders were procured for the payment of the arrears due to him. The resources of the empire were drained by the constant demands of an engrossing war, and Kepler had not sufficient influence to enforce his claims against those who thought even the smallest sum bestowed upon him ill spent, in fostering profitless speculations. In consequence of this niggardliness, Kepler was forced to postpone the publication of the Rudolphine Tables, which he was engaged in constructing from his own and Tycho Brahe’s observations, and applied himself to other works of a less costly description. Among these may be mentioned a “Treatise on Comets,” written on occasion of one which appeared in 1607: in this he suggests that they are planets moving in straight lines. The book published in 1604, which he entitles “A Supplement to Vitellion,” may be considered as containing the first reasonable and consistent theory of optics, especially in that branch of it usually termed dioptrics, which relates to the theory of vision through transparent substances. In it was first explained the true use of the different parts of the eye, to the knowledge of which Baptista Porta had already approached very nearly, though he stopped short of the accurate truth. Kepler remarked the identity of the mechanism in the eye with that beautiful invention of Porta’s, the camera obscura; showing, that the light which falls from external objects on the eye is refracted through a transparent substance, called, from its form and composition, the crystalline lens, and makes a picture on the fine net-work of nerves, called the retina, which lies at the back of the eye. The manner in which the existence of this coloured picture on the retina causes to the individual the sensation of sight, belongs to a theory not purely physical; and beyond this point Kepler did not attempt to go.